general

Think about what 4,700 people means. Picture a stadium filled with mothers, fathers, nurses, schoolchildren, and farmers. Now picture every seat empty. That is the human cost of this Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the true number may be higher. Depending on which tally you read, between 9,700 and 9,800 people have been confirmed infected, and nearly half of them have died. Most of those deaths happened in Congo, a country that has been bleeding for decades and is now being asked to fight a disease with almost no tools.
This is the Bundibugyo strain of Ebola. There is no approved vaccine for it and no specific treatment. The vaccine that helped contain the Zaire strain in earlier outbreaks does not protect against this one. So while the virus moves through communities, health workers are doing what they did in 2018: isolating patients, tracing contacts, and burying the dead, with nothing but discipline and courage to protect them. The World Health Organization declared the outbreak a global health emergency on 17 May. Five months later, the emergency is still an emergency.
Let us be precise about where things stand, because precision is what the people responsible would prefer we avoid. The outbreak was declared in Congo in mid-May and has now reached eight provinces, the most recent being Nord-Ubangi in the northwest. Around 65 to 70 new cases are being recorded every day. The WHO says 30,000 contacts are being monitored daily over a three-week window, a logistical operation that would strain the wealthiest health systems on earth. In some parts of eastern Congo, patients are bouncing between two to five health facilities before reaching a treatment centre. Each stop is another chance to infect a nurse, a relative, or a stranger in a waiting room. The WHO has a target of 3,000 treatment beds across affected areas. Just over 2,000 are in place. The gap between those numbers is measured in lives.
Now consider the conditions in which this war against Ebola is being fought. The outbreak began in the volatile east, where the Democratic Republic of Congo has been losing ground to armed groups for years. The M23 rebel movement, which Congo, the UN Group of Experts, and multiple independent investigations have documented as operating with direct support from the Rwandan Defence Force, continues to control large parts of North and South Kivu, including the provincial capitals of Goma and Bukavu. This is not a rebellion that happens to be near a health crisis. Rwanda's operation is a war of aggression in a sovereign country, and its consequences now include an epidemic that cannot be contained while the roads, clinics, and supply lines of an entire region are being fought over. The UN's own agencies describe a "crisis on top of a crisis": disease, bereavement, insecurity, and hunger, all arriving at once in the same villages. Ask yourself who benefits from a population too frightened and too displaced to report sick.
The virus does not respect borders, and the response has already spread beyond Congo's frontiers. Nigeria recorded its first case in more than a decade, a woman who travelled from Kampala to Abuja via Addis Ababa and was not diagnosed until sixteen days after she arrived, after visiting two private facilities. Kenya reported nine cases, including one death. Uganda declared its smaller outbreak over in August, but the head of the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, Jean Kaseya, has openly questioned whether transmission there was fully captured, while Ugandan authorities maintain the Nigerian patient never acquired the virus on their soil. Whatever the truth, the lesson is the same. A patient can cross four countries before anyone knows she is sick. Surveillance is not a luxury. It is the wall.
Then there is the money, and this is where the outrage should be loudest. The international community has pledged $962 million for this response. Kaseya told RFI that Congo's government had no knowledge of roughly $700 million of that sum. Let that sink in. Seven hundred million dollars, promised in the name of dying Africans, and the government whose people are dying cannot say where it went or whether it arrived at all. Kaseya was careful to say he never claimed embezzlement, and we should take him at his word that he is seeking information rather than making accusations. But a $700 million gap is not a footnote. It is a question, and the people of Congo deserve a straight answer before another dollar flows in. Donors who lecture Africa about good governance should be the first to demand line-by-line accounting, and African governments should be the first to publish it.
This is the pattern we keep seeing. Foreign capitals and multilateral institutions rush to announce pledges, hold press conferences, and celebrate their generosity, while the systems that should convert cash into clinics, beds, and vaccines remain weak, opaque, or actively undermined. Wealthy nations spent years insisting that African countries had no business producing their own medicines, and now they wonder why the continent cannot respond quickly to an outbreak. Pharmaceutical companies from London, Paris, and Boston decide which pathogens are worth a vaccine based on profit forecasts, and Bundibugyo, which has killed thousands in African villages but rarely threatens Western cities, sat in the neglected pile for decades. That is not an accident. It is a choice, and we are the ones paying for it.
So what must change? First, the African Union should convene an emergency session of heads of state, not just health ministers, to adopt a binding continental Ebola protocol covering cross-border surveillance, mandatory reporting of travel histories, and standardised contact tracing. Second, the Africa CDC should publish a full, audited accounting of the $962 million within thirty days, with each dollar traced to a named programme, procurement contract, or supplier. Donors who fund this response should demand the same. Third, the UN Security Council must stop treating the eastern Congo crisis as a diplomatic inconvenience. A humanitarian corridor, guaranteed by a verifiable ceasefire, is the minimum needed to get health workers and food to the villages where the virus is spreading. Rwanda must withdraw its forces and stop arming its proxies, and the Council must impose consequences on every party, including Kigali, that refuses.
Africa also has proof that better is possible. Nigeria's response to the 2014 Ebola outbreak, led by its Lagos health authorities, contained a case that could have become a catastrophe and was declared free of the disease within weeks. Rwanda, whatever its crimes in Congo, managed a Marburg outbreak in 2024 with discipline and speed that many richer countries envied. Botswana has shown what strong institutions, transparent budgeting, and an independent civil service can do over decades. None of these successes came from charity. They came from competent institutions, accountable leaders, and citizens who refused to accept excuses.
And here is what you can do. If you live in Congo, demand that your provincial health office publish the funds it receives and the clinics it supports. If you live in Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, or Tanzania, ask your health minister how many contacts are being traced in your district and how many beds are ready. If you are a journalist, follow the money. If you are a citizen anywhere on this continent, tell your leaders that the next Ebola outbreak should not find us with no vaccine, no transparency, and no plan. We have buried enough of our people. The world has promised to help for months, and the promises have not yet reached the villages where mothers are watching their children die. Enough. Demand the accounts, demand the vaccines, demand the ceasefire, and do not let anyone tell you this is someone else's emergency. It is ours.
Based on reporting by RFI