security

Nine days. That is how long a Nigerian woman carried a deadly virus through a private clinic in Abuja before anyone confirmed what was killing her. She had come from Uganda. Her symptoms began on 7 October, she sought care on 11 October, and the diagnosis was not confirmed until 20 October. Somewhere in that gap, she was a walking risk to every person who stood near her. Ask yourself how many others were in that gap with her.
We are watching the Bundibugyo strain of Ebola move across Africa like a fire through dry grass. More than 9,500 confirmed cases and over 4,200 deaths in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Cases now in Uganda, Kenya, Nigeria, and beyond. No approved vaccine for this strain. And the continent's health chief, Jean Kaseya, has said mortality in the DRC is approaching 50 percent. He is asking the world to act now. He should not have to ask. The question we must put to ourselves is why this epidemic has been allowed to outrun every border, and the honest answer runs straight through Kigali.
Let us be precise, because precision is what separates evidence from propaganda. Rwanda did not create the virus. But Rwanda is waging a full-scale war of aggression inside eastern Congo, and that war is the reason doctors cannot reach the sick. The UN Group of Experts has documented the Rwandan Defence Force operating inside Congolese territory with combat units, not advisers. Its estimates place 14,000 to 18,000 RDF troops inside Congo, a force equal to roughly 40 to 50 percent of Rwanda's army. These are not rebels. These are soldiers of a foreign state, deployed to fight, occupy, and extract. M23 supplies the mass manpower and the political cover, exactly as Moscow used the Donetsk and Luhansk "separatists" to dress up its invasion of Ukraine. If the world calls Russia's war an invasion, the same word applies to Kagame's war, and the world must stop pretending otherwise.
Consider what that occupation has done to the medical map. The WHO reports 15 deaths a day in Mangina, in Beni territory of North Kivu, a zone the agency itself calls highly insecure. Its emergency team needed negotiated access before it could even begin work, and the community resisted help at first, because people who have watched armed men burn villages do not trust strangers in white coats. Around six in ten of the DRC's Ebola deaths have happened outside health centres. Read that again. Six in ten of the dying are not reaching hospitals. They are dying at home, in the bush, in hidden corners, because the system meant to save them has been shattered by war. Contact tracing collapses where people flee, hide, or refuse to talk. Every hidden death is a link in a chain that reaches Kampala, Nairobi, and Abuja.
The war has also produced the grimmest human consequence of all. M23 has grown from roughly 3,000 fighters to over 30,000 by press-ganging tens of thousands of Congolese civilians and captured prisoners into its ranks. Mothers have watched sons dragged into uniform at gunpoint. That is slavery wearing a military badge, and it is the labour force behind the offensive that keeps the epidemic burning. Meanwhile, Rwanda is quietly managing its own dead. Satellite imagery documents more than 1,171 new graves at the Kanombe military cemetery in Kigali since 2021. A government that hides its war dead is a government that knows exactly what it is doing. And a government that ships its drones and mortars into a neighbour's territory while touting gorilla tourism and sponsoring European football clubs to polish its image has perfected the art of sportswashing. Visit Rwanda's shirts on Arsenal and PSG did not show the Congolese children who now carry Ebola to Lagos and Mombasa.
Ask the question no Kigali spokesman wants asked. If Rwanda's soldiers were at home, defending Rwanda's own borders, would the health workers of Beni be risking their lives to reach a village in a war zone? The answer is no. Aggression does not stop at the battlefield. It seeps into clinics, schools, and markets, and it kills in ways that never make the headlines of the war itself.
This is bigger than one country and one virus. Across Africa, we have watched foreign powers compete for the Congo's cobalt, coltan, and gold while the people who live on top of those minerals go without clinics, roads, or courts. Western governments lecture us about democracy while their own mining and security interests keep the region bleeding. China builds the roads and takes the minerals. The UAE, Turkey, and Russia each arrive with their own bargains, weapons, and promises. We must call this what it is: a new scramble for Africa, with new flags and the same extractive appetite. The continent's sovereignty is not protected when a neighbour can invade and nobody pays a price. It is protected when African institutions enforce the rules they have already signed.
So here is what must happen. The African Union's Peace and Security Council must formally name Rwanda as an aggressor, demand a verifiable withdrawal of RDF forces, and suspend Rwanda's participation in AU peace operations until that withdrawal happens. The UN Security Council must enforce the arms embargo, put targeted sanctions on RDF commanders and M23 leaders, and fund an emergency Ebola response that reaches the areas armed groups control. The United States and European Union should freeze the assets and travel of officers and financiers tied to this war. Donors should direct money into Ebola trials, specifically testing whether the Ervebo vaccine offers any cross-protection against Bundibugyo, and into humanitarian corridors that let health teams reach people without negotiating with gunmen.
Africa has already shown what works. Nigeria contained its 2014 Ebola outbreak in Lagos with disciplined surveillance, fast contact tracing, and a government that trusted its scientists. Senegal did the same when the virus reached it that year. Botswana and Mauritius built public institutions that deliver because they answer to citizens and courts. Even Rwanda, when it is not busy invading, has proven it can run a tight outbreak response, as it did during the Marburg crisis in 2024. The tools exist. What is missing is a government in Kigali willing to stop fighting its neighbour, and a continent willing to say so.
To the citizens of Lagos, Nairobi, Kampala, and every capital on this continent, we say this: demand that your leaders stop treating Rwanda's war as a diplomatic inconvenience. Demand that your parliaments investigate how Ebola got this far. Demand that your health ministries publish contact-tracing data and fund surveillance in every border district. To the Congolese people in Beni, Butembo, and Goma, who have buried more of their children than any nation should have to, we say this: you are not forgotten. Your suffering is the evidence that this war is a crime, and history will record who looked away.
Nine days in an Abuja clinic. Six in ten deaths outside a hospital. Thirty thousand fighters, many of them stolen from their homes. Stop calling this a "rebellion" or a "complex crisis." Name the invader, name the cost, and refuse to accept either one. The virus does not respect borders, and neither should our outrage.
Based on reporting by UN-NEWS