general

Ghana is about to knock on a very exclusive door. Its foreign minister has announced a formal application to join BRICS, the bloc that began as Brazil, Russia, India and China and now includes Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The reasons are understandable. Ghana wants fewer doors closed to it, and after its 2022 debt crisis, it wants a wider menu of partners. But before any Ghanaian official signs anything, every Ghanaian should ask a plain question: who gets to sit at the table, and what do they expect us to bring?
Start with the arithmetic. Over 70 percent of Ghana's exports, according to one local analyst, go to BRICS countries, including South Africa, China and India. Ghana imports almost everything it consumes from China. President John Dramani Mahama says exports to India have roughly doubled, from about $3 billion to $7 billion. These are real gains, and we should not pretend otherwise. But when a country sends most of its goods to a handful of partners and buys most of its finished products from a single source, that is not diversification. That is concentration. Ask any family that depends on one employer how safe they feel when that employer changes its mind.
The numbers from the UN trade agency UNCTAD tell a sharper story. BRICS members together account for more than two-thirds of the Global South's total GDP. Yet trade between them makes up only about 20 percent of South-South trade. The bloc is enormously powerful on paper and strangely underused in practice. UNCTAD says the potential of intra-bloc trade is "yet to be fully tapped." Translation: the club has the wealth, the rhetoric, and the institutions, but the benefits are not reaching ordinary traders, farmers and factory workers at the scale promised. Meanwhile, the New Development Bank, BRICS's own lender since 2012, is open to any UN member state. Good. But openness without transparency is just another lender with a new logo. We should demand to see who gets funded, on what terms, and with what safeguards against corruption.
Then there is the question of consensus. Accepting Ghana requires the agreement of all 11 existing leaders. Analysts note that the last full member admitted was Indonesia in January 2025. Ten others, including Nigeria, Uganda, Malaysia and Vietnam, hold partner status without voting rights. Algeria applied in 2023 and was turned down. Turkey asked for full membership in 2024, was offered partner status, and refused it. Those are the outcomes that ought to make our officials sober. Ghana is not entering a meritocracy. It is entering a political bargain among governments whose records on press freedom, judicial independence and elections range from imperfect to appalling. Russia is currently fighting a war of conquest in Ukraine. Iran's regime executes dissidents and jails journalists. Those are the peers Ghana would sit beside as an equal.
This is where the story turns from economics to conscience. A Ghanaian researcher quoted in the reporting argued that Ghana's edge is its reputation as "more stable and more democratic." He is right, and that is the most important sentence in this entire debate. Ghana has survived peaceful transfers of power, its courts have repeatedly ruled against governments, and its citizens vote in elections that the world takes seriously. Nigeria, Africa's largest economy, has become a BRICS partner without applying for full membership. Ghana's pitch is that it brings something Nigeria does not: a credible democratic brand. But a brand is only worth something if it is actually protected. If Accra pursues BRICS by quietly lowering its standards to fit in, it will sell the one asset that made it attractive in the first place.
Context matters here. For decades, African governments have heard the same lecture from Western capitals and the IMF: adopt our conditions, cut your deficits, open your markets, and you will be rewarded. Much of that advice was delivered by institutions that demanded austerity from ordinary people while elites moved their money offshore. Those frustrations are legitimate, and BRICS was born partly from them. But frustration is not a strategy. Replacing one set of masters with another, whether Beijing, Moscow or Riyadh, does not liberate a single farmer in the Volta Region. Africa's sovereignty is not measured by how many patrons we collect. It is measured by whether our citizens can hold their leaders accountable, whether our contracts are public, and whether our courts can say no to powerful people.
So what should happen? The first demand is simple: Parliament must have a binding role in any BRICS decision. No membership deal, no development-bank loan, no bilateral trade pact should be negotiated in secret and presented as fait accompli. Ghana's legislature should publish its terms, its costs and its expected benefits before signing. The second is institutional: the government should tie any new partnership to published procurement rules, anti-corruption benchmarks and open debt registers. If Ghana's 2022 crisis taught us anything, it is that borrowing without transparency is how countries end up bargaining from weakness. The third is strategic. Ghana should pour its energy into the African Continental Free Trade Area, which, if implemented properly, would create a market of more than a billion people and reduce dependence on any single foreign buyer. Intra-African trade is the surest path to the diversification Accra says it wants. Botswana built a reputation for good governance and fiscal discipline that attracted investors for decades. Mauritius became a regional financial hub by protecting property rights and keeping its institutions credible. Those are the models: strong courts, open markets and governments that answer to voters, not to whichever patron offers the cheapest loan.
For citizens, the message is equally direct. Ask your MP whether Parliament has seen the terms of this application. Ask the trade ministry for the export data by country and by sector, not just the headline totals. Ask the central bank how much of our public debt is held by which creditors. Demand that every bilateral agreement signed in our name be published within a fixed number of days. Reject any argument that asks you to trade your civil liberties for a bigger export figure. Growth without accountability is how Africa got here in the first place.
Ghana deserves a seat at every table where it can strengthen its people. But a seat is not a prize to be begged for. It is a position to be earned, defended and used on behalf of the citizens who will pay for every decision made in that room. If Accra walks into BRICS quietly, asking for permission, it will be treated as a supplicant. If it walks in with its democracy intact, its institutions transparent and its demands clear, it will be treated as the partner it has always been. Ghana should go knocking, but with its head up and its receipts in hand. The democracy we have built is not a bargaining chip to be discounted. It is the reason anyone should want us at the table at all.
Based on reporting by RFI