sahel-security

*Note to editor: the source document contains only a title and a reference to an attached file, with no figures. The article below draws on documented background through 2024-25 (school closures, the 2022 coup, the AES withdrawal, Russian deployment) and does not cite October 2026 numbers. Verify any figures against the Education Cluster and UNICEF reports before publication.*
Somewhere in Burkina Faso, a girl who once sat at the front of her class is now carrying water for a family that fled its village. Her school door is locked. Nobody has told her when it will open again, and nobody in Ouagadougou seems to be asking.
That is the question we must put to the men who seized power in Burkina Faso: what is the price of a generation that cannot read?
Since the insurgency spread across the Sahel, Burkina Faso has become one of the continent's most violent places to be a child. Schools have been burned, teachers have been threatened or killed, and entire districts have been emptied by armed groups and by the soldiers sent to fight them. UNICEF and the education sector have repeatedly warned that more than a million children have been pushed out of learning in recent years, and that the number of closed schools runs into the thousands. Those are not abstractions. Each closed school is a building where a child was supposed to learn arithmetic, a village where a mother was promised her daughter would become something more than she was.
The crisis did not begin with the current junta, but it has deepened under it. Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Damiba seized power in January 2022, promising to restore security. Less than a year later, Captain Ibrahim Traoré removed him in a second coup in September 2022, promising the same thing with more swagger. Security did not return. The attacks by JNIM and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara continued, and the territory the state controls has shrunk. Yet the rhetoric of sovereignty has grown louder with every failure. Ouagadougou has gone further, withdrawing from ECOWAS and joining Mali and Niger in the Alliance of Sahel States, a bloc that trades regional accountability for the promise of self-reliance.
Look at what that promise has delivered. Burkina Faso has welcomed Russian personnel, first through the Wagner Group and later through the state-linked Africa Corps, to protect the regime and fight its enemies. Moscow gets influence, access, and a foothold on a strategic frontier. Burkina's children get soldiers who are accountable to no parliament, no court, and no electorate. When foreign mercenaries are the guarantors of a government, the government has already answered the question of whose interests it serves.
And the human cost is documented in the places that still matter most. Reports from the UN and humanitarian agencies have described attacks on civilians by both armed groups and state-linked forces, including mass-casualty incidents in which villagers were executed or massacred. Journalists and rights organizations have been restricted, and the independent flow of information from the affected regions has narrowed. When a regime shuts out the witnesses, the silence is not peace. It is cover.
We have seen this script before, across our continent and in our own memory. A junta arrives with a uniform, a radio broadcast, and a promise that the nation's enemies will be crushed. It dissolves institutions that could check its power, delays elections, and recasts every critic as a traitor. Then it discovers that the enemies are harder to crush than the slogans, and it looks for someone to blame. The children of the countryside become the collateral of a war that was never honestly declared to them.
Consider what education is supposed to do. A functioning school is the cheapest security policy any government can buy. It keeps a teenager out of a recruiter's hands, gives a farmer's daughter the chance to become a nurse or an engineer, and gives a village the literate citizens it needs to hold officials accountable. When a state abandons its schools, it abandons its future and hands the next generation to whichever armed group offers a rifle and a meal.
There are African nations that have shown this is not inevitable. Botswana has built a stable democracy on the back of disciplined public institutions, competent budgeting, and an independent judiciary that has held its own governments to account. Mauritius has grown from a sugar economy into a services and finance hub by investing in education, protecting property rights, and keeping its courts independent. Senegal, in 2024, demonstrated that an incumbent can lose an election and hand over power peacefully when citizens and institutions refuse to surrender their vote. None of these countries is perfect. All of them prove that strong institutions, transparent budgets, and accountable leaders produce safety and prosperity in ways that guns never can.
So what must happen in Burkina Faso? First, the junta must reopen closed schools, restore the teaching force, and publish the official figures on school closures, enrolment, and attacks against education, so that parents and donors can see the damage and respond to it. Second, the Education Cluster, UNICEF, and other humanitarian partners must receive unimpeded access to every region where children are out of school, and no government can be allowed to hide those children behind a ban on reporting. Third, the African Union and ECOWAS must stop treating Ouagadougou's withdrawals as a matter of diplomatic courtesy. A regime that cannot protect its schoolchildren owes its people a timetable for civilian rule, an independent electoral commission, and a restored judiciary. Anything less is occupation with a flag.
Civil society and the private sector have a role too. Burkinabè journalists, teachers' unions, and local associations must be protected, not prosecuted, when they document what is happening. Businesses that operate in Burkina Faso should demand transparency about security arrangements and refuse to fund a state that buys its survival with the education of its children. And citizens across the Sahel, in Lagos, Accra, Dakar, and Nairobi, should refuse the lie that sovereignty means silence. Real sovereignty is a child who can read the constitution that protects her.
We are not asking for pity. We are demanding accountability. The people of Burkina Faso did not choose to be sacrificed for a junta's vanity or a foreign power's ambitions. They chose schools, hospitals, and the simple dignity of a government that answers to them.
So ask the question yourself, and do not let anyone talk you out of it: when the schools go dark, who is the state protecting? Share this story. Write to your representatives and your regional bodies. Demand the reopening of every closed school in Burkina Faso and the publication of the numbers. Because a child who loses her classroom today will become an adult who loses her country tomorrow, and we cannot let that happen while we are watching.
Based on reporting by RELIEFWEB