security

Ten children were killed by drones in a single weekend in western and southern Darfur and North Kordofan. Nobody in the Security Council chamber had to smell the smoke. Nobody had to dig through the rubble with their hands. The people who ordered those strikes were sitting in air-conditioned offices, and they will not pay for them.
We need to say this plainly, because the world keeps choosing softer words. Sudan's war has entered its fourth year, and it is now fought from the sky as well as the ground. On a single Monday, drone strikes injured at least 19 people in a crowded market in Abyei. Strikes hit several sites in Khartoum, including an area near the airport, where one civilian was reportedly killed and flights were cancelled. Across the country, 20 million people face acute hunger, and famine is becoming a real possibility in parts of Darfur and Greater Kordofan. A mother in Darfur does not care whether the bomb came from a Turkish-made platform or a Chinese-built one. She cares that her child is not coming home.
The war is a fight between two men who once shared power. The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) jointly seized control in the 2021 coup that crushed Sudan's transition to civilian rule. They fell out, and in April 2023 they turned their guns on the very people they had sworn to protect. Since then, both sides have hollowed out their own country. The RSF has been accused of mass atrocities in Darfur, including ethnically targeted killings that echo the genocide of the early 2000s. The SAF has bombed residential areas and blocked aid routes. Both have treated Sudanese lives as a bargaining chip.
What has changed is the weapon. The UN Spokesperson, Stéphane Dujarric, called the drone strikes deadly and alarming, and he was right. The UN Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, Rosemary DiCarlo, told the Security Council that external actors must stop fuelling the violence and the drone war. That language is diplomatic, but the meaning is blunt. Drones do not fall from the sky as a gift from God. They are manufactured, shipped, financed, serviced, and fuelled by governments and companies. UN experts and independent investigators have documented foreign supply networks reaching both sides, including reporting on drone components and platforms moving through third countries to the RSF, and Turkish and Iranian systems used by the SAF. Every one of those transfers was a decision. Someone signed it.
Consider who profits. Arms dealers profit. Gold smugglers profit, since the RSF's war economy has leaned heavily on gold extracted from Darfur and moved out through regional trade routes. Foreign governments that want influence on the Red Sea coast and in Sudan's mineral wealth profit. Sudanese civilians pay. The Sudanese Red Crescent has reported that 25 of its volunteers have been killed while on duty since the war began. One of them was providing first aid at a health centre in Um Darfa, in Blue Nile State, when a drone struck the facility. A volunteer who runs toward wounded people with a first aid kit is a more dangerous threat to a warlord than any soldier with a rifle, and so the warlords kill them. Ask yourself what kind of army targets the people treating its own victims.
We have seen this pattern across our continent. Foreign powers arm African militaries and militias, then act shocked when the weapons are turned on civilians. They lecture us about democracy and human rights while selling the tools that destroy both. They want the stability of a client state without the accountability of a democracy. We reject that bargain. Sudan's generals chose this war, but the external suppliers who keep it alive have chosen their profits over our children's lives, and that choice deserves the same condemnation as the bombs themselves.
Sudan also reminds us what our continent can do when its people refuse to surrender. Sudanese civilians have organised emergency response rooms and resistance committees that have kept clinics, kitchens, and water points running when the state collapsed. These volunteers have done what governments were supposed to do. That courage is a seed of the civil society Africa needs: citizens who organise for their neighbours rather than waiting for a strongman to save them. Botswana has shown what strong institutions and disciplined public finance can build. Mauritius shows what open markets and rule of law can deliver. Senegal, in 2024, demonstrated that a determined electorate and independent courts can force a leader to respect the constitutional calendar. These are not perfect nations, but they prove the point: African peace is not a fantasy. It is a set of choices.
So what must happen next? The African Union's Peace and Security Council must stop issuing statements and start enforcing its own principles. It should demand immediate, verifiable humanitarian access and a halt to strikes on markets, hospitals, and aid workers, with consequences for any party that refuses. The UN Security Council must move beyond warnings and impose targeted sanctions on the individuals and companies financing and supplying drone warfare, with independent end-use monitoring so that no platform reaches Sudan without a paper trail. Member states that claim to care about international humanitarian law must audit their own arms exports to Sudan's belligerents and suspend any transfer that risks civilian harm. Gold and trade flows financing the war must be traced through transparent customs and financial reporting, because a war economy cannot survive without a market willing to buy its loot.
Sudan's humanitarian response plan is only about 43 per cent funded. That is not a budget gap. It is a moral failure. Donor governments that spend billions on their own defence can find the resources to keep water pumps running in Zalingei, which restored safe water for some 2,500 people, and to support the more than 2,000 families now receiving water, sanitation, and hygiene assistance. Every dollar of that aid is a rebuke to the men flying drones over Darfur.
And we, Africans, cannot outsource our conscience. Demand that your government, your parliament, and your regional bodies name the foreign suppliers feeding this war. Demand that the Sudanese generals sit at the table under deadline, not at the bar of their own arrogance. Demand that civilian leadership be restored, with independent courts and an electoral calendar that cannot be torn up by men with guns. Share the names of the children killed this weekend. Refuse to let their deaths become a footnote in a press release.
Ten children died in one weekend. Ask yourself how many weekends we will tolerate before we stop being shocked and start being ashamed.
Based on reporting by UN-NEWS