drc-conflict

Four hundred and eighty-eight people died in a single health zone in Ituri, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, in one month. Fifty-nine percent of those deaths happened at home, in villages, in the hands of mothers and grandmothers who had no idea what was killing their children. Ask yourself what kind of state lets that happen.
Nizi is not a remote village. It is a health zone in a province that has been bleeding for years. The Bundibugyo virus disease outbreak was recorded there in May, days before the official declaration. By the end of that month, suspected cases were climbing. By July, the zone had 827 confirmed cases. Dr Jean Claude Lonzama, the zone's chief medical officer, has said plainly that the response began late and that the outbreak hit its worst point in July. Late response is not an accident. It is what happens when a health system has been starved of staff, supplies, transport and trust for a generation.
The consequences were grim and predictable. Families did not trust the treatment centres. They refused safe burials. They treated the first symptoms (headache, fever, stomach pain, vomiting) as malaria, typhoid, or witchcraft. Women, who carry the burden of home care, nursed the sick without protective gear. Traditional healers were consulted first, and by the time anyone reached a clinic, the virus had moved through the household. Mourners washed and touched the bodies of their dead as a gesture of love, and in doing so passed the virus on to the next person in line.
Between 10 and 18 August 2026, a rapid community survey supported by the World Health Organization went into four health areas to find out why people were dying at home. Its findings should make every government minister in the region uncomfortable. The problem was not ignorance alone. It was the absence of anyone the community believed in, anyone who arrived early with clear information and stayed long enough to earn trust. When a fever is not recognised, no one is hurt by a tradition until it kills.
Ituri is not an isolated case of state failure. It is the front line of a region where armed groups, including the ADF and CODECO, have terrorised civilians for years. In the east, the M23 rebellion, backed by Rwandan troops according to multiple UN Group of Experts reports, has seized Goma and Bukavu and driven millions from their homes. Hospitals in those areas have been looted, staff have fled, and supply chains have collapsed. Every bullet fired in North and South Kivu is a bullet taken from the nurse in Ituri who needed a vehicle, a cold chain, or a salary. Kigali's war of aggression does not only kill with rifles. It kills by draining the health budgets, emptying the clinics, and forcing the sick to flee instead of being treated.
We have seen this movie before. In 2018 and 2019, the North Kivu Ebola outbreak killed more than 2,000 people before the world treated it as a crisis worth funding properly. The lesson was supposed to be learned. Yet here we are again, with a different virus, a different province, and the same pattern of delay, denial, and grief. Who in Kinshasa is accountable for the staffing of Nizi's clinics? Who in the donor capitals is accountable for the funding gaps that let a late response become a deadly one? And who in Addis Ababa and Abuja is willing to say that the African Union cannot keep issuing communiqués while its citizens die in their own homes?
There is a better way, and Africa has already shown it. Rwanda's network of community health workers, for all the political cost of its authoritarian rule and its aggression against its neighbours, is a model of grassroots health delivery that others study. Botswana built a functioning public health system on fiscal discipline and an institutional culture that rewards competence. Mauritius and Senegal have shown that predictable governance, transparent budgets, and accountable public institutions produce better outcomes than strongmen with slogans. The lesson is not that Africa is doomed to disease. It is that disease kills faster where institutions are weak and where the state treats citizens as subjects instead of partners.
What must happen now is clear. Congo's government must publish its health budget for Ituri, line by line, and allow independent audit of every dollar spent on outbreak response. Africa CDC must hold regional governments to binding commitments on early detection, contact tracing, and rapid deployment of supplies, not optional pledges. The African Medicines Agency, headquartered in Kigali, must be funded and staffed to fast-track diagnostics and countermeasures for pathogens like Bundibugyo, for which no licensed vaccine currently exists in the way the Zaire strain has one. Local pharmaceutical manufacturing should be encouraged through open tenders and property protections, so that Africa stops waiting for Europe or Asia to ship its medicine. Private sector players, from logistics firms to mobile network operators, should be invited to build early-warning systems that report suspected deaths within hours, not weeks. And community health workers, who won the trust that the state could not, must be paid, equipped, and protected as the backbone of the system.
Above all, the people of Nizi and Iga Barrière are owed respect. Enock Baraka buried his father, his younger sister, and his aunt within a single month, and then chose to let health workers do the burying so that his family and neighbours would survive. That is courage. It should be met with a government that is worthy of it.
So here is what we demand. From Kinshasa, we demand transparent funding and accountable health leadership in Ituri, starting now. From the African Union, we demand binding outbreak standards with real consequences for those who fail to meet them. From the UN Security Council, we demand an end to the foreign armies and armed proxies that keep eastern Congo bleeding, beginning with the withdrawal of Rwandan forces and the enforcement of sanctions against those who sustain them. From our donors and partners, we demand that the money arrives before the funeral, not after. And from every African reading this, we demand that you refuse the idea that 488 deaths in one zone is normal.
Share this story. Ask your MP what their country has spent on outbreak preparedness. Ask why the rebels are funded and the clinics are not. Four hundred and eighty-eight people did not have to die in one month. The next name on the list could be your neighbour's. Act before the next burial.
Based on reporting by RELIEFWEB