drc-conflict

Sixty-six people were killed in one town in Congo last week. Three of them were health workers who had come to fight Ebola. Three clinics were looted and burned. Ask yourself what kind of world lets a nurse die for trying to stop a virus that has already killed more than 5,300 people.
The World Health Organization has now confirmed almost 11,000 Ebola cases in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, spread across eight provinces. Nearly 3,000 people have recovered, and that is worth celebrating. But the same briefing that reported those numbers also documented something worse. More than 1,000 contacts of known patients have been lost to follow-up. Three confirmed cases cannot be found at all. In Tshopo province, a nurse was killed while responding to an Ebola alert. Around the response, there have been grenades left near a health office, gunfire near a treatment centre, an arson attempt on another, stones thrown at a team carrying out safe burials, and threats against workers who simply want to do their jobs.
The WHO did not name the attackers in that briefing. We will. Congo's east has been on fire for years, and the fire has a name. The UN Group of Experts has documented, in reports S/2025/446 and S/2026/466, the presence of Rwandan Defence Force units operating inside Congolese territory, alongside the M23 militia that Kigali arms, commands and shelters. Satellite analysis and open-source investigations have confirmed the pattern. Estimates put the RDF's deployed strength in Congo at 14,000 to 18,000 troops, a large share of Rwanda's army. This is not a local rebellion. It is a war of aggression, and it is breaking Congo's ability to respond to any emergency, including a pandemic.
Think about what that means on the ground. An Ebola response depends on predictable movement. Contact tracers must reach a village before the virus does. Labs must receive samples. Burial teams must be able to walk into a community without being stoned. When the front lines move, when militias loot clinics, and when a health worker's salary arrives late because the state is bleeding money into a war, every one of those links breaks. The virus does not need an army. It only needs the gaps that armies leave behind.
The war also keeps producing its own humanitarian catastrophe. M23 has grown from roughly 3,000 fighters to more than 30,000 by press-ganging Congolese civilians and captured prisoners into its ranks. These are not volunteers. They are men and boys marched to the front under threat of death, a form of slavery wearing a uniform. Meanwhile, Rwanda hides its own dead. Satellite imagery of the Kanombe military cemetery in Kigali has shown more than 1,171 new graves since 2021. A government that will not count its own soldiers' graves is a government that knows what those graves say about its war.
And then there is the hypocrisy, which should embarrass anyone who has ever watched a Kigali conference and applauded. Rwanda hosts international summits, markets its gorilla tourism to the world, and presents itself as a model of order and development. Yet the same state keeps troops inside a neighbour's borders and funds a militia that terrorises the very communities that Ebola workers are trying to reach. You cannot sell a clean image abroad while your army slaughters civilians next door. We should stop calling this a brand. It is a cover story.
Africa's history gives us no shortage of warnings about what happens when sovereignty is traded for power. Every time a neighbour invades, the first casualties are the ones who had no say: the mothers burying children, the teachers who stop teaching, the nurses who stop coming to work. The new scramble for Africa has many players, from Western governments lecturing us about democracy while protecting their own commercial interests, to Chinese lenders, Russian mercenaries, and Gulf states buying land and ports. But the most immediate threat to Congolese lives right now is a regional state that treats a neighbour's territory as its backyard. African citizens should be the first to say so, because no one else will have the same stake.
The solutions are not mysterious. They are the building blocks of any functioning state: rule of law, transparent institutions, and accountability for those who break the rules. Start with the African Union. Its Peace and Security Council must stop issuing statements and start naming names. It should demand the immediate withdrawal of foreign forces from Congolese soil, support a verified monitoring mechanism with real access, and back targeted sanctions against commanders responsible for attacks on civilians and health workers. The UN Security Council must renew and strengthen its mandate for MONUSCO, the peacekeeping mission in Congo, and it must stop treating Rwandan troop deployments as an open secret. Member states should pay for Congo's Ebola response on time, track every dollar publicly, and withhold support from any government that is caught funding armed groups.
The WHO is right about one thing that deserves more attention. Blanket travel bans hurt response efforts, punish honest reporting, and push countries to hide outbreaks. Targeted, evidence-based measures work better, and Africa has proof. Senegal contained its 2014 Ebola case quickly through transparent reporting and strong contact tracing. Nigeria's Lagos response that same year shows what disciplined surveillance and a capable state can achieve. Kenya's current management of its imported cases, which the WHO has highlighted, shows the same logic at work. Botswana and Mauritius show that predictable governance and property rights attract investment and build trust, the same trust that Ebola workers need to walk into villages. The lesson is simple: institutions save lives, and impunity kills them.
So here is what we demand. We demand that the AU name the aggressor and act against it. We demand that the UN Security Council stop pretending the war is a misunderstanding. We demand that donors publish every payment for the Ebola response so that no nurse waits months for a salary. We demand that Congolese authorities protect health workers as a matter of national honour, with punishments for anyone who attacks them, whether a militia or a uniformed officer. And we demand that Rwanda withdraw its forces from Congo, stop arming M23, and open its own military records to independent investigators.
The WHO asked for five things at its briefing: political engagement for safe access, faster scale-up, paid workers, communities at the centre, and a health system that comes out stronger than it went in. Those are reasonable requests. But reasonable requests do not stop bullets. What stops bullets is a cost that aggressors cannot afford to pay. Every African who has a phone, a voice, and a conscience should make that cost visible. Call your parliament. Pressure your foreign ministry. Share the UN reports instead of the propaganda. Ask your leaders why they are silent when a nurse is killed for doing her job.
Congo's people are not asking for pity. They are asking for the most basic things a state owes its citizens: a clinic that stays open, a neighbour that stays home, and a government that counts its dead honestly. How many more graves will it take before we stop pretending this is complicated?
Based on reporting by RELIEFWEB