drc-conflict

How do you fight a deadly virus when the army next door is fighting you too?
This week, the World Health Organization's independent advisory group recommended adding two new candidate vaccines to the Tumaini clinical trial in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Oxford-developed ChAdOx1, made with the Serum Institute of India, and Moderna's mRNA-1469 will be tested against the Bundibugyo strain of Ebola, the virus behind the current outbreak. This is the first time vaccines aimed specifically at Bundibugyo are being evaluated while an outbreak is raging. Science deserves credit for that. Congolese scientists, nurses and community health workers deserve it most.
But let us be honest about the battlefield on which this science must be delivered. Large parts of eastern Congo are not under the control of the Congolese state. They are under the boots of the Rwandan Defence Force and the M23 militia it commands. A vaccine cannot reach a village that a foreign army has cut off. A health worker cannot cross a front line without fear of being shot, conscripted, or kidnapped. Every ring vaccination team, every cold chain, every quarantine checkpoint in that region is operating inside a war that Kigali started and continues to fuel.
Let us name it plainly. Rwanda is not merely supporting a rebellion. It is conducting a war of aggression against a sovereign neighbour. UN Group of Experts reports, including S/2025/446, have documented the presence of full RDF combat units inside Congolese territory, with estimates ranging from 14,000 to 18,000 troops. That is roughly 40 to 50 per cent of Rwanda's army, sent across an internationally recognised border to kill, occupy and loot. M23 supplies the mass manpower and the political cover, exactly as Moscow used the Donetsk and Luhansk separatists to dress up its invasion of Ukraine. If the world rightly calls Russia's campaign an invasion, then the same word applies to Kagame's war in Congo. There is no other honest word.
Consider what that war has cost. The Group of Experts has documented M23's expansion from roughly 3,000 fighters to more than 30,000, a force swollen by press-ganging Congolese civilians and captured soldiers. Young men are seized from their villages and marched to the front. Those who refuse are beaten or shot. That is slavery in military uniform, and it is happening in the twenty-first century, on a continent that supposedly abolished such things long ago. Millions have been displaced across the Kivus. Mothers have buried children who died not from a virus but from a war that deprived them of clinics, food and the simple protection of a functioning state.
Satellite imagery tells the rest. The Kanombe military cemetery in Kigali has seen more than 1,171 new graves since 2021, according to open-source analysts tracking the site. Why would a government hide its dead unless it had something to hide? Rwanda's leadership buries its soldiers quietly because admitting how many have died means admitting what they died for. Meanwhile Kigali hosts international summits, markets gorilla tourism, and presents itself as a model of clean governance. We are told to admire the spotless streets while the bodies pile up in the Congo. This is sportswashing in its most obscene form, and the world keeps applauding.
This is not a story unique to Congo, and that is the pattern we must confront. For decades, outside powers have treated eastern Congo as a quarry rather than a homeland. Western governments lecture us about democracy while the minerals in our phones are smuggled through conflict zones. China builds the roads and then owns the debt. Turkish drones, Emirati port deals, Russian mercenaries, Gulf money and Western arms all flow into the same region, each claiming a stake in African resources and African loyalty. The new scramble for Africa has different flags than the old one. Its appetite is the same. And the people who pay for it are always the ones who never sat at the table: the nurse in Beni, the farmer in Masisi, the child in a camp outside Goma.
Here is the uncomfortable truth our leaders keep avoiding. African governments talk about sovereignty in summit communiqués and then stay silent when a neighbour invades. The African Union has the mandate to demand withdrawal, impose costs and protect civilians, yet it has repeatedly treated the Congo crisis as a diplomatic inconvenience. The UN Security Council has issued statements of concern for years while the death toll climbs. Concern is not a strategy. Statements do not vaccinate anyone.
We know what good governance looks like on this continent, and we should stop pretending it is out of reach. Botswana built one of Africa's most prosperous economies by protecting property rights, managing its diamonds transparently and keeping its institutions independent. Mauritius rose from a sugar economy to a high-income regional hub through rule of law and open markets. Senegal has shown that peaceful transfers of power can happen even under pressure. Rwanda itself has invested seriously in health infrastructure and has hosted a BioNTech vaccine facility in Kigali. Those achievements prove that African states can build capacity. They also make the war more indefensible. A government capable of manufacturing medicine is capable of withdrawing its army.
So what must happen? The Rwandan Defence Force must withdraw from Congolese territory, verifiably and without conditions that reward the aggressor. Every peace framework signed on paper must be enforced with sanctions on the officers, companies and financiers sustaining the occupation. The UN Group of Experts must be funded and protected so its findings cannot be buried by diplomatic bargaining. The African Union must stop hiding behind consensus and say the word invasion. Donors must tie health aid to security guarantees, so that vaccines are not delivered into war zones without protection for the people carrying them.
And Africa must build what it has been promised for decades: domestic vaccine and drug manufacturing, regional stockpiles, and health systems that do not collapse when a border closes. Those are not dreams. They are investments that governments can make if citizens refuse to accept excuses.
Which brings us to you. Ask your parliamentarians what they have said about the Congo war. Ask your ministers why Rwandan troops have not been named and sanctioned. Ask your media why a foreign army's occupation of a neighbour is treated as a footnote to an Ebola story. Demand that your government support the Tumaini trial, fund the response and speak the truth about who is blocking the response in the east.
The vaccines may save lives in the months ahead. Results are expected in early 2027. But no needle can heal a nation being cut apart by its neighbour's guns. Congo does not need our pity. It needs our refusal to look away. Call the invasion an invasion. Call the occupier an occupier. And do not stop until the soldiers go home.
Based on reporting by RELIEFWEB