think-tank

Africa's young people are told, in speech after speech, that they are the continent's greatest asset. Then they are handed a broken education system, a labor market that cannot absorb them, and a political class that treats their protests as threats.
Twenty years ago, African governments adopted the African Youth Charter in Banjul. It was a serious document. It committed states to youth participation in decision-making, to education, health, employment, and protection from exploitation. It entered into force in 2009. Now it turns 20, and the question we must ask is blunt: what did those signatures buy the young people who were supposed to benefit?
Roughly 60 percent of sub-Saharan Africans are under 25. That is not a demographic footnote. It is a generation of several hundred million people deciding, right now, whether this continent will be built by its own citizens or hollowed out by its own elites. Most of those young Africans work in the informal economy, in jobs with no contracts, no pensions, and no protection when things go wrong. Millions more are underemployed, holding degrees that the economy never asked for. Ask a twenty-four-year-old graduate in Lagos, Nairobi, or Kinshasa whether the Charter feels like a promise kept. You already know the answer.
Look at what governments actually fund. Ministries sign youth strategies, then starve them. National budgets announce skills programs that never reach rural districts. Youth councils are created as decorative bodies, consulted after the decisions are made, and dissolved when they become inconvenient. The Charter asked for meaningful youth participation. What we got was a photo opportunity at a summit.
The African Peer Review Mechanism, the APRM, was built to hold governments accountable to their own commitments. It is one of the few continental tools that asks African leaders to submit their governance records to scrutiny by their peers. It should be the first place where youth outcomes are measured with hard data: unemployment by age and gender, school completion rates, youth representation in parliaments and cabinets, and the number of young people detained or harassed for peaceful dissent. If those numbers are not on the table, the peer review is theater.
Consider what happened in Kenya in 2024, when Gen Z protesters filled the streets of Nairobi over a finance bill that would have squeezed the same young people already drowning in debt and unemployment. Police fired live rounds at unarmed demonstrators. Dozens were killed. That is what happens when a government fears its own youth more than it serves them.
Now look at the wider region, where the story gets darker. Across the Democratic Republic of Congo, the war in the east has become a machine for converting young lives into fighting material. UN Group of Experts reports, including S/2025/446, have documented the forced recruitment of civilians, including children, by the M23 rebel movement. The Group has also documented the operational role of the Rwanda Defence Force inside eastern Congo. M23 did not grow from a few thousand fighters into a force of tens of thousands by persuasion. It grew by seizing boys from markets, schools, and villages and handing them rifles. That is slavery in military uniform, and it falls hardest on the youngest Africans in the room.
We must be precise about who is responsible. The M23 commanders who press-gang civilians are guilty of crimes. So is the Rwandan government, which has directed and sustained a campaign that displaces Congolese families, loots mineral wealth, and buries its own dead in silence. The Kanombe military cemetery in Kigali has been expanding in satellite imagery since 2021, with well over a thousand new graves documented. Rwanda hosts summits and markets itself as a model of order, while its soldiers fight inside a neighboring sovereign state. Sportswashing and gorilla tourism do not wash blood off hands. A government that wants the world to admire its discipline should not be allowed to hide its war dead.
Youth exploitation across Africa follows a pattern. Governments that cannot deliver jobs recruit the young into party militias, security forces, and proxy armies. Elites who loot public contracts export their children to foreign universities and leave everyone else to scramble. Foreign powers, from the West to China, Russia, Turkey, the UAE, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, compete for access to African minerals, ports, and military bases, and they rarely ask what those deals do to the next generation. The new scramble for Africa is not a repeat of the nineteenth century. It is faster, more transactional, and just as indifferent to African lives.
Western governments that lecture us about democracy while signing security and mining deals with autocrats have forfeited the moral authority to lecture anyone. The principle is simple. Democracy, human rights, and the rule of law are not Western gifts. They are universal standards, and they apply to Kigali, Kinshasa, Addis Ababa, Abuja, and Washington alike. African youth are entitled to demand them from every government, including their own.
The solutions are not mysterious. Africa already has proof that better is possible.
Botswana built one of the continent's most stable democracies by protecting property rights, maintaining transparent public finance, and keeping its institutions independent for decades. Mauritius turned a sugar-dependent island into a services and finance hub through open markets, sound regulation, and an education system that rewards skill. Senegal showed in 2024 that young citizens, organized and peaceful, can force a democratic transition when a sitting president tries to cling to power. Rwanda's economic achievements are real, and they should be studied, but no development model excuses invasion, forced disappearance, or the suppression of dissent. Growth without accountability is just a more efficient form of exploitation.
Governments must do five things. They must fund youth employment through competitive private sector growth, not state patronage: secure property rights, cut licensing red tape for young entrepreneurs, and open markets to small firms. They must make the APRM peer review publish disaggregated youth data and treat failure to act as a public failure. They must guarantee independent judiciaries and free press, so that a young activist arrested for a tweet can go to court and win. They must end the use of militias and forced conscription in every country, including those fighting proxy wars. And they must ratify and budget for the African Youth Charter in full, not as a ceremonial document, but as a binding commitment with penalties for default.
Regional bodies have a duty too. The African Union should name forced recruitment of children as a grave violation and act on it, including by holding accountable any state that sponsors armed groups on its border. The UN Security Council should stop treating the Rwanda-M23 partnership as an ambiguous situation. When a foreign army operates inside another country's territory, it is an invasion, and the language should match the facts.
The Pan-African Youth Forum meets this month, and too many of the speeches will sound the same as the last twenty years. Young Africans should walk into those rooms demanding more than applause. Demand a published, time-bound scorecard for every government that signed the Charter. Demand that youth representatives be elected or chosen by young people, not hand-picked by ministries. Demand that no minister stand at a podium and talk about youth empowerment while a single child in their country is being marched into a militia.
Parents, students, unions, and churches must make this a voting issue. Ask every candidate what they will do about youth unemployment, and reject anyone who answers with slogans. Document abuses, from forced recruitment to police violence, and send that evidence to the APRM, to the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and to the press. Silence is what allows this to continue.
Twenty years is long enough. African governments wrote their young people a promise, and then they spent the money, dismantled the accountability, and sent the children to war. We are not asking for a favor. We are demanding the future we were promised, and we are going to keep demanding it until the signatures on that Charter mean something.
Based on reporting by SAIIA